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In November 2002,
the U.N. Security Council decided that Iraq was in "material
breach" of previous resolutions but gave Iraq "a
final chance to comply with its disarmament obligations."
Since then, the threat of military force has been decisive
in getting inspectors back into Iraq, putting pressure on
Saddam finally to comply, and in building an international
consensus for the disarmament of Iraq. The Security Council
also "warned Iraq that it will face serious consequences
as a result of its continued violations of its obligations"
if it did not comply.
Yet those "serious consequences" need
not be war against the people of Iraq. The consequences should
mean further and more serious actions against Saddam Hussein
and his regime, rather than a devastating attack on the people
of Iraq.
On February 18, 2003, a delegation of U.S. church
leaders, accompanied by colleagues from the United Kingdom
and the worldwide Anglican Communion, met with Prime Minister
Tony Blair and his Secretary of State for International Development,
Clare Short, to discuss alternatives to war. The following
elements of a "third way" — an alternative
to war — were developed from those discussions and subsequent
conversations among the U.S. delegation.
Remove Saddam Hussein and the Baath Party from
power.
The Bush administration and the antiwar movement
are agreed on one thing — Saddam Hussein is a brutal
and dangerous dictator. Virtually nobody has sympathy for
him, either in the West or in the Arab world, but everyone
has great sympathy for the Iraqi people who have already suffered
greatly from war, a decade of sanctions, and the corrupt and
violent regime of Saddam Hussein. So let's separate Saddam
from the Iraqi people. Target him, but protect them.
As urged by Human Rights Watch and others, the
U.N. Security Council should establish an international tribunal
to indict Saddam and his top officials for war crimes and
crimes against humanity. Indicting Saddam would send a clear
signal to the world that he has no future. It would set into
motion both internal and external forces that might remove
him from power. It would make it clear that no solution to
this conflict will include Saddam or his supporters staying
in power. Morton Halperin pointed out, "As we have seen
in Yugoslavia and Rwanda, such tribunals can discredit and
even destroy criminal regimes." Focusing on Saddam and
not the Iraqi people would clearly demonstrate that the United
States' sole interest is in changing his regime and disarming
his weapons rather than in harming the Iraqi people. It would
cause world opinion to coalesce against Saddam's regime rather
than against a U.S.-led war, as is now happening.
Enforce coercive disarmament.
Military enforcement. Removing Saddam must be coupled with
greatly intensified inspections to fully enforce all U.N.
Security Council resolutions that relate to Iraq since the
1991 Gulf war. Inspections have shown progress — the
agreement by Iraq to destroy its Al Samoud-2 missiles is significant.
But rather than simply increasing the number of inspectors,
inspections must be conducted more aggressively and on a much
broader scale. The existing U.S. military deployment should
be restructured as a multinational force with a U.N. mandate
to support and enforce inspections. The force would accompany
inspectors to conduct extremely intrusive inspections, be
authorized to enter any site, retaliate against any interference,
and destroy any weapons of mass destruction that it found.
A more coercive inspections regimen should also include the
unrestricted use of spy planes and expanded no-fly and no-drive
zones.
Strengthen the arms embargo. The current system for preventing
Iraq from acquiring prohibited weapons must be strengthened
by a more effective monitoring system and the installation
of advanced detection technology on Iraq's borders. At present
there is no international monitoring of commercial crossings
into Iraq from Jordan, Syria, Turkey, and other neighboring
states. The use of advanced monitoring and scanning technology
along with sanctions assistance missions on the borders would
significantly improve the capability to monitor borders and
prevent illegal arms shipments.
Foster a democratic Iraq.
The United Nations should begin immediately
to plan for a post-Saddam Iraq, administered temporarily by
the U.N. and backed by an international armed force, rather
than a U.S. military occupation. An American viceroy in an
occupied Iraq is the wrong solution. A true democratic opposition
must be identified and developed, rather than simply identifying
forces who would contribute to a U.S. invasion. An internationally
directed post-Saddam administration could assist Iraqis in
initiating a constitutional process leading to democratic
elections.
Organize a massive humanitarian effort now for the people
of Iraq.
The 1991 Gulf war, the following decade of sanctions,
and the corrupt regime of Saddam Hussein have caused immense
suffering for the people of Iraq. In recent days, U.N. humanitarian
agencies have begun evacuating personnel in light of an impending
war. Rather than waiting until after a war, U.N. and nongovernmental
relief agencies should significantly expand efforts now to
provide food, medical supplies, and other humanitarian assistance
to the people of Iraq. Focusing on the suffering of the Iraqi
people, and immediately trying to relieve it, will further
help to protect them from being the unintended targets of
war. It also helps to further isolate Saddam Hussein from
the Iraqi people by contrasting the world's humanitarian concern
with Saddam's indifference toward his own people. Humanitarian
aid deliveries must be protected, if necessary, by a U.N.
force under Security Council mandate.
Recommit to a "Roadmap to Peace" in the Middle East.
The road to peace in the Middle East leads not
through Baghdad, but through Jerusalem. The United States,
United Kingdom, and other European Union nations must address
a root cause of Middle East conflict by committing to a peace
plan resulting in a two-state solution to the conflict between
Israel and Palestine. It should guarantee a Palestinian state
by 2005 while guaranteeing the safety and security of Israel.
This would show the clear political and moral link between
the deeply rooted and unresolved Middle East crisis and the
larger war on terrorism, including the Iraq issue.
Reinvigorate and sustain the "war against terrorism."
The international campaign against terrorism
has succeeded in identifying and apprehending suspects, freezing
financial assets, and isolating terror networks — most
recently with the arrest of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed. But it
is in danger of being disrupted, both by acrimony and by lack
of attention, as the world focuses on the impending conflict
with Iraq. Most significant, a war against Iraq will fuel
anti-American animosity in the Arab world, where cooperation
in the war on terror is most needed.
Submitted by, Hannah Jacob
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