Forty-eight hours.
By the time this essay hits print, the countdown President
Bush began on March 17 will be history.
The calendar tells the real story, however,
not the stopwatch. Twelve years, seven months. That's the
proper time metric for gauging The Saddam War, which began
on Aug. 2, 1990 when Saddam's Iraq invaded Kuwait.
Desert Storm, unleashed in January 1991, smashed
Saddam's military and temporarily thwarted his expansive ambitions.
Key U.N. resolutions forbade using coalition troops to topple
Saddam's fascist Baath regime. The United States kept that
bargain, though the bloodbath in Kurd and Shia communities
as the Republican Guard returned to murder Iraqis revolting
against Saddam morally stains the United Nations' deal.
Subsequent Security Council resolutions had
implicit clocks. Saddam had to rid himself of weapons of mass
destruction or suffer consequences.
But the United Nations has failed. Its countdown
never quite concludes. Another tick, another minute, another
hour, another decade. The U.N. clock, all wound up with the
lingo of collective security, ultimately lacks the steel spring
of collective will.
Hence the devastating line in Bush's speech:
"The United Nations Security Council has not lived up
to its responsibilities. So we will rise to ours."
I've written this before, and every second makes
it more certain: The formula for Hell in the 21st century,
weapons of mass destruction plus rogue states plus terrorists,
must be broken. Breaking the fatal linkage -- stopping the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, eliminating
terrorists and reforming rogue states -- should be the civilized
world's common goal.
America, with staunch allies, has accepted the
necessary burden.
The biggest burden now falls on U.S. and British
soldiers. Make no mistake -- in wartime, the toughest job
in a democracy is that of a private taking a machine-gun nest.
A democracy's soldiers are the real human shields -- shields
against chaos and tyranny. Bush said it well: "We are
now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater.
In one year or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm
on all free nations would be multiplied many times over. With
these capabilities, Saddam and his terrorist allies could
choose the moment of deadly conflict when the two are strongest.
We choose to meet that threat now, where it arises, before
it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities."
What happens if Saddam and his clique do not
leave Iraq as Bush demanded?
U.S. commanders have characterized their battle
plans as relying on "shock and awe." The tyrant's
battle plans appear to rely on "Shias and alleys."
"Shock and awe" versus "Shias (refugees) and
alleys" represent a battle for control of time. The United
States intends to fight on "fast war time" and Saddam
hopes for slow.
"Shock and awe" means "smart"
precision munitions dropped on Iraqi military headquarters,
on air defenses, on elite Iraqi combat units, on any resistance.
As the "hard and smart" rain pins and destroys Iraqi
units, U.S. and British tanks and armored infantry strike.
Helicopters move infantry (airmobile assault in Pentagonese)
to seize key road junctions, weapons depots and neighborhoods.
Special operations forces (SOF, e.g., Green Berets), already
positioned in Iraq, relay intelligence and direct bombs using
lasers. In concept, an overwhelming "fast" wave
of power and maneuvering forces breaks the will to resist
of all but Saddam's worst thugs.
Saddam believes "slow time" gives
him a chance. He wants waves of refugees (in the south, most
would be "Shia" Arabs) to vex advancing U.S. armor.
Chemical weapons could also slow the allied attack. Saddam
hopes the alleys of Baghdad are slow and costly. (Holding
his own people as hostages may further stall allied city operations.)
If Saddam's "slow gambit" succeeds, he could ask
the U.N. Security Council for a ceasefire resolution.
Which time scheme will dominate the battlefield?
The U.S. military is an around-the-clock organization.
Saddam's units are not. As for the alleys? Defending alleys
requires a large cadre of hard-core Iraqi fascists. When the
rest of Iraq is liberated, even those criminals will realize
their time is past.
Submitted by, Nicholas
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