Eleven months
ago, I wrote a column that said an attack on Iraq would involve
at least 200,000 U.S. troops. As of this week, the United
States has 250,000 troops deployed in the region.
Is it D-Day? What happens now?
For starters, the deployment is already a successful
campaign in the War on Terror. Al Qaeda cannot ignore the
American build-up around Iraq, nor can Al Qaeda stand pat
as the United States drives a sword into its support and funding
network. The United States has created a situation where Al
Qaeda either loses ideological credibility or must risk operations
during a time of focused U.S. intelligence activity. Terror
cells and Al Qaeda leaders become easier targets for CIA and
police action.
Let me add two other points: (1) More troops
could enter the region -- no general refuses another division
-- but wargaming analysis indicates the 200,000 to 250,000
figure provides an initial overwhelming advantage in combat
power plus reserves to meet the unexpected. (2) Turkey's failure
to permit U.S. ground troops is a problem, but it isn't insurmountable.
Even if there is no "Turkish front" with U.S. forces
moving directly into Iraq from Turkey, a Northern Front is
already active and has been since 1991, with the implementation
of No Fly Zones to protect vulnerable Kurds. Credible reports
going back to fall 2002 place U.S. special operations forces
(SOF) in northern Iraq.
Turkey may have second thoughts. If Turkey does
not fully support a U.S. offensive, it risks having less say
in the affairs of a post-Saddam Iraq.
So here are some potential military options:
Don't attack, and withdraw. This is an option.
Likely result? Saddam gets nukes. Prepare for a nuclear 9-11.
This option also condemns another generation of Iraqis to
regime-inflicted torture, rape and mass murder.
Psyops Triumph. Saddam quits Baghdad, by coup
or negotiated exile. The presence of 250,000 troops creates
pressure. CIA emails have rattled the Iraqi elite. Broadcasts
and leaflet drops do affect Iraqi troop morale, especially
when backed with air attacks that demonstrate U.S. firepower.
This is where Turkey's failure to permit U.S. ground troops
is particularly damaging; it lowers the psychological pressure
on Saddam's clique.
Slow Roll. Astute observers argue this is already
in progress, given the presence of SOF in Iraq. One analyst
argues that the "creeping offensive" began in September
2002 with a heavy air attack on the H-3 airbase complex in
western Iraq. As the "slow roll" accelerates, SOF
and airmobile (helicopter) units occupy oilfields and religious
sites to protect them. A hard rain of precision munitions
smacks WMD sites, the Republican Guard and Special Republican
Guards. U.S. armor links up with the lighter forces. The thrust
to Baghdad is delayed, as Saddam's Iraq strangles in a noose
of U.S. armor and airpower. Liberated Iraqis -- before BBC
cameras -- demand the end of Saddam's regime.
Fast Roll. The Slow Roll accelerated, with armor units moving
directly to isolate and destroy resistance near Baghdad and
Tikrit.
Big Show, Version 1. This option requires U.S. troops moving
out of Turkey. Armor seizes oilfields, armor and airmobile
units seize cities, with Saddam's hometown of Tikrit a key
objective. This "multi-axis attack" is designed
to stop any use of WMD, freeze Iraqi resistance and also protect
Iraqis seeking liberation.
Big Show, Version 2. No Turkish front, so the major thrust
is armor moving from south to north. However, light units
could link up with Kurd rebels in the north.
Use of WMD by Saddam loyalists remains the biggest concern,
not only to U.S. forces but Iraq's neighbors and the Iraqi
people. WMD, however, are an existing threat that eliminating
Saddam diminishes. Given the Iraqi people's hatred for Saddam,
don't expect Baghdad to become Stalingrad.
If a city fight develops, several analysts suggest
the U.S. attack on Panama City in 1989 is a better historical
model. Weakly defended and isolated buildings ripe for precision
strike characterized that scrap. Republican Guards in "web
defenses," where key military positions are sited near
hospitals, schools and religious sites, and are then linked
by underground tunnels, are another concern. However, executing
such a defense -- once surrounded -- requires deeply committed
troops, and that's something Saddam knows he doesn't have.
Submitted by, Matthew
|